On the very date Donald Trump was presented with a tailor-made "peace prize" from his recent ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his government published an similarly flamboyant security policy document. This fairly brief report drips with pure Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the characteristically humble claim that the president has brought back "the United States and the globe – back from the brink of catastrophe and ruin."
Even though the document largely formalizes the current actions and rhetoric of Trump and his cabinet, it must be taken as a grave caution for the world, and for Europe in particular.
The document espouses an aggressive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US explicitly sets the goal of "fostering European strength." Its language seems lifted directly from addresses by Viktor Orbán during the so-called refugee crisis of 2015-16: "We want Europe to remain European, to reclaim its cultural self-confidence." Even more worryingly, the document claims that Europe's "financial downturn is eclipsed by the genuine and more stark prospect of civilizational erasure."
The whole section dedicated to Europe is steeped in generations of European right-wing dogma and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "changing the continent and causing conflict, suppression of free expression and stifling of dissent, plummeting birthrates, and erosion of sovereign identity and self-belief." According to the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether some European countries will have economic power and militaries powerful enough to remain dependable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration believes that "in a matter of years at the latest, some NATO members will become predominantly non-European."
"U.S. foreign policy should continue to stand up for genuine democracy, freedom of expression, and unapologetic commemorations of European nations’ unique heritage and past."
These points carry strong echoes of two theories seen as core for modern far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "The Decline of the West," whose argument on the inevitable fall of civilizations was used by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "weakness" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "native" fears into a more overt conspiratorial narrative, alleging European elites of using immigration to replace restive "indigenous" populations and import a more docile and dependent electorate.
It is the nativist fever dream contained in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the authority, if not the duty, to intervene in European affairs, the document implies. And it is evident where it identifies its allies: "The United States encourages its political allies in Europe to advance this revival of national spirit, and the increasing influence of patriotic European parties indeed gives cause for significant hope."
Put simply, the US contends that it is essential to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the sole movement that can achieve this. Therefore, its "broad policy for Europe" prioritises "cultivating resistance to Europe’s present path within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "building up the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "aligned countries that want to restore their past glory" – such as Hungary and Italy.
While the document remains unclear on methods, it is obvious that a priority is to push Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – particularly regarding far-right speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not treat Russia as an enemy either.
In a wider context, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to interfere in the "western hemisphere," which he proclaimed to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "assert and enforce a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.
None of this is entirely new – consider JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will at last understand that the stance is serious. And if the document is too lengthy or imprecise for them, it can be condensed in clear and concise terms: the current US government holds that its national security is best served by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not just an unwilling ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to respond appropriately.
A seasoned casino strategist with over a decade of experience in gaming analysis and player psychology, Elena shares insights to help players succeed.
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